Taipei, March 17 (CNA) A decade after the 2014 Sunflower Movement, the youths who participated in the student-led demonstration have all grown up and taken different career paths, but many carry the memories of what happened during the 24-day occupation of Taiwan’s parliament to this day.
The movement
On March 18, 2014, hundreds of students and activists stormed and occupied the Legislative Yuan for 24 days to protest against a decision by the then Kuomintang (KMT)-controlled Legislature to fast track the review and approval of the Cross-Strait Services Trade Agreement (CSSTA) with China.
The decision sparked concern from many protesters that increased economic integration with China would give it sway over Taiwan.
They received encouragement from those in society, which culminated in hundreds of thousands of people taking to the streets on March 30 to show their support for the anti-CSSTA protest.
The protestors peacefully left the Legislative Yuan building after then Legislative Speaker Wang Jin-pyng (王金平) committed to postponing the review of the trade pact until legislation overseeing all cross-strait agreements was passed.
To date, the trade-in services agreement with China has remained stalled in the Legislature, with decreasing attention from the public.
Meanwhile, activists from the Sunflower Movement, named after the sunflowers gifted to demonstrators symbolizing hope, have become increasingly prominent on Taiwan’s political stage.
Boosting youth political participation
Taipei City Councilor Miao Po-ya (苗博雅), a Sunflower Movement activist, said that one of the most significant impacts of the movement has been the increased focus of the younger generation on political participation.
“In every election, the youth demographic continues to be a crucial force because the movement was a pivotal moment in how Taiwan’s youth engaged in politics,” the 36-year-old said, explaining that voter turnout among young people had been relatively low before 2014.
Miao said although it was the Sunflower Movement that inspired her to enter politics, she has now learned the limits of the achievements that mass opinion garnered by social movements can make.
“Driving reform requires not only social movements but also cooperation from the political side,” she said.
Miao represented the Social Democratic Party in the 2018 and 2022 local elections and was elected Taipei city councilor twice, but she did not secure a seat in the Legislature in the 2024 elections.
A remarkably resilient society
Keelung City Councilor Jiho Tiun (張之豪) said he believes participation in the Sunflower Movement gives candidates like him an advantage — but just a slight one.
He ran in the 2018 and 2022 local elections and secured a seat in the Keelung City Council both times.
Tiun, who once held a position in the occupation of the Legislature during the movement, used the entertainment industry as a metaphor for the field of politics: “The Sunflower Movement wasn’t about helping you to release a solo album, it’s more about getting you on a popular variety show and standing [next to the host] with a smile.”
After the Sunflower Movement, the media tended to mythologize how young people had become devoted to politics, but in reality, many of those who participated are not now involved in political affairs, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) member added.
When asked about what Taiwan has gained from the Sunflower movement, the 43-year-old told CNA that the society has managed to achieve significant economic success — for example, the Taiwan stock market reaching 20,000 points — without aligning with China.
“If the KMT foresaw this day ten years ago, perhaps the Sunflower Movement wouldn’t have been necessary, and the ruling party at the time would have chosen the path we are on now,” Tiun said.
Different types of political participation
Unlike Miao and Tiun, Hung Chun-chih (洪俊智) did not pursue a career in politics, but like many fellow participants, experienced police brutality during the protest.
Recalling his experiences as a first-year master’s student, Hung said he was pushed and beaten by the police, as well as dispersed by water cannon vehicles.
“Being dispersed didn’t extinguish my determination to protest; it only made me more eager to support those who had also been beaten,” he said.
Although Hung now works at a technology company in Taipei, he always returns to his hometown in Nantou County to vote during elections and encourages those around him to vote as well.
“The Sunflower Movement’s biggest impact on me is that it made me care more about the development of Taiwan’s democratic society and strengthened my sense of Taiwanese identity,” Hung said.
Similar to Hung, Jheng Ren-hao (鄭人豪) was also beaten by riot police when he participated in the Sunflower Movement as a first-year master’s student.
Now working in the cultural industry, Cheng said that during the Sunflower Movement, Taiwan’s online public forums buzzed with vibrant discussions and people actively debated various issues, contrasting significantly with the apparent lack of enthusiasm for discussing societal matters these days.
“Nowadays, anything written on social media can be easily labeled [by netizens], and many online comments are manipulated by “internet armies” or public relations companies, which diminishes the space for rational discussion,” he said.
In terms of politics, the Sunflower Movement created a powerful new political force that now seems to have disappeared, an example being the failure of the New Power Party to fulfill the expectations that were once placed upon it, Jheng added.
However, Jheng noted that some of his friends who participated in the movement are now embarking on political careers.
They are running for city council positions or even village chief roles, showing that the decision to be more deeply involved in politics can be made at any time, he said.
