Analysis

Does Ukraine Offer Lessons for Taiwan?

Two years in, IR experts are divided on whether the U.S. response to Russia’s war will deter a Chinese invasion.

People take photographs of the sunset over the Chinese city Xiamen amid anti-tank barricades from previous conflicts in Kinmen, Taiwan.

People take photographs of the sunset over the Chinese city Xiamen amid anti-tank barricades from previous conflicts in Kinmen, Taiwan, on April 9, 2023. Chris McGrath/Getty Images

Immediately after Russia’s attack on Ukraine in February 2022, the Teaching, Research, and International Policy (TRIP) project at William & Mary’s Global Research Institute posed a question about the risk of an invasion on the other side of the world: We asked international relations (IR) scholars if a Chinese attack on Taiwan was imminent. More than 70 percent of respondents said they did not believe China would use military force against Taiwan in the coming year.

Immediately after Russia’s attack on Ukraine in February 2022, the Teaching, Research, and International Policy (TRIP) project at William & Mary’s Global Research Institute posed a question about the risk of an invasion on the other side of the world: We asked international relations (IR) scholars if a Chinese attack on Taiwan was imminent. More than 70 percent of respondents said they did not believe China would use military force against Taiwan in the coming year.

So far, the experts’ predictions have held true, and fragile peace endures in the region. China engaged in bellicose rhetoric ahead of Taiwan’s Jan. 13 elections, and it has increased military exercises off Taiwan’s coast (including large-scale drills designed to simulate a blockade). Last August, the United States joined Japan and South Korea in a tripartite agreement that includes efforts to deter Chinese aggression against Taiwan. In response, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Wang Wenbin warned, “The Asia-Pacific region … should not be turned into a boxing ring for major-power rivalry, still less a battlefield of a cold war or hot war.”

Nonetheless, 2024 began with Taiwan’s Defense Ministry announcing that it had spotted Chinese balloons in the Taiwan Strait, with one balloon crossing into Taiwanese airspace. As tensions slowly rise, it is a good time to reexamine how the U.S. response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has affected the probability of a Chinese attack on Taiwan. At the time of the 2022 invasion, observers worried that the West’s failure to deter Moscow and the possibility of a quick Russian victory might encourage China to turn its sights on Taiwan. But with the war in Ukraine dragging into a third year, it’s still not clear what the European crisis means for East Asia.

To find out, we again asked the experts. From June 28 to July 12, 2023, the TRIP project asked IR scholars in the United States whether they thought the U.S. response to the Russia-Ukraine conflict—coordination with European allies to provide significant military support to Ukraine and impose sanctions against Russia—has increased or decreased the likelihood of a Chinese invasion of Taiwan. The results reported below are based on answers from the 701 scholars. (Complete results and methodology can be found here.)

Less than 8 percent of those surveyed thought the U.S. response made a Chinese attack on Taiwan more likely. Beyond that, the experts were divided between those who believe that the U.S.-led Western response to the war in Ukraine and the costs paid by Russia will deter China and those who thought that either the U.S. response is not relevant to China’s calculations or that the fact that the U.S. supports Ukraine is balanced by the fact that it has not done more to directly defend Kyiv against Moscow’s aggression. These results show that the lessons of Russia’s war in Ukraine for Taiwan can depend on one’s interpretation of deterrence theory.

Has the U.S. Response to Russian Aggression Deterred China?

When asked how the U.S. response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine affects the likelihood of a Chinese attack on Taiwan, IR scholars disagreed. Deterrence theory could suggest that U.S. resolve in the face of Russian actions in Ukraine should influence Chinese calculations and behavior when it comes to Taiwan. Yet respondents were almost equally divided between those who thought U.S. actions have had no consequences for Chinese intentions and actions (46.23 percent) and those who believed that U.S. behavior decreased the probability of a Chinese assault (46.52 percent).

Only 7.25 percent of survey participants believed that the U.S. response to the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine has increased the likelihood of Chinese aggression in Taiwan.

The survey also encouraged the experts to explain their answers to this question. Many of the 46.23 percent of scholars who believed that U.S. policy since the Russian invasion of Ukraine has had little influence on China observed that Beijing was already motivated to reunify with Taipei and thus U.S. actions would have little effect. Some respondents in this group noted the conflicting messages that might be reaching China.

As one scholar observed, “I think the Chinese government is facing countervailing information. On one hand, the U.S. is showing surprising commitment to Ukraine, which might signal greater commitment to Taiwan as well. On the other, the U.S. would be overextended if supporting both Ukraine and Taiwan, and the set of allies would be different. I think these net out to no effect.”

A slight majority of the academics we surveyed said that events in Ukraine have influenced China’s calculus on Taiwan, but they disagreed over whether U.S. support increased or decreased the likelihood of a Chinese attack. Those who thought the U.S. response has decreased the chances that China will invade Taiwan drew on deterrence theory when explaining their answers, arguing that the U.S. response has shaped China’s estimation of the costs of invasion and the probability of reunification through military force.

As one respondent noted, “China is more certain of the probability of a forceful U.S. response to Chinese aggression and likelihood of an escalation of conflict that would exceed the costs of potential success.”

A small number of IR experts (7.25 percent) thought U.S. actions in Ukraine made China more likely to use force against Taiwan. These respondents said that the conflict in Ukraine had limited the U.S. capacity to support another country in a conflict with a major power. They also worry that Washington’s response to Moscow’s belligerence, particularly U.S. unwillingness to directly intervene in Ukraine, is not strong enough to deter China.

In language that could have also been drawn directly from deterrence theory, one respondent noted, “Weakness begets aggression by growing empires.”

More from Foreign Policy



Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban delivers his speech during the last campaign event of his Fidesz party in Szekesfehervar, Hungary on April 6, 2018.

The Habsburg Solution for Viktor Orban

History offers Europe a playbook for fighting back against Hungarian blackmail.



In an image provided by the White House, U.S. President Joe Biden receives the presidential daily briefing in the Situation Room alongside Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin.

America Is Suffering From a Resolve Gap

What Washington should do when its opponents prove more determined to get their way.



Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi shakes hands with Saudi Arabian Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud as the two man stand in front of a set of risers before a photo op at a diplomatic event hosted in an ornately decorated room in Beijing.

How China Is Leveraging the Israel-Hamas War

The growing divide between Washington and the global south is playing out in Beijing’s favor.



A view of the Russian Central Bank headquarters in downtown Moscow. The Russian flag flies above the building.

The U.S. Is Considering Giving Russia’s Frozen Assets to Ukraine

The unprecedented move could offer a tidy way to make Moscow pay for Ukraine’s reconstruction.